The Tao as an “ism”
“Among [the]
attitudes and ways of [Taoist] thinking- I would specify an organic view of man
and the universe, the notion that all phenomena (including man) are knit
together in a seamless web of interacting forces, both visible and invisible.
Interwoven with this idea of ceaseless flux: that the apogee of any of these
forces engenders a reversion toward its opposite.”
-Arthur
F. Wright-
I: Background
The ebb and flow
of the natural universe has been the core of Eastern philosophy since its
conception over four thousand years ago. The ceaseless flux of this indelible
tide encompasses anything and everything in the natural world and has been the
foundation of what we will call religion
in the East since man first started to question his place in the universe. When
Westerners think of religion in the
East we often associate it with Buddhism, Confucianism or some other kind of
“ism” or symbol that represents the common dogmatic institutions that exist in
Western religions, i.e. (heaven, hell, god, etc.) just from a different
perspective. The truth is that the ideology formulated in Western religions
around the Mediterranean and the ideologies of the Ancient East are all but
common. The idea of “God” in the West ranges anywhere from the force that kick
started the Big Bang, to a being in white robes up in the sky who is
responsible for everything we see and do. In China, the idea of religion is just a way of expressing the
fundamental nature of the universe and living in harmony with its current- not
a being in heaven or an everlasting existence of life after death. This is
where much of the debate stems over whether or not the various forms of Eastern
philosophy can be considered different religions,
or just different schools of thought. In H.G. Creel’s 1956 submission to the,
“Journal of the American Oriental Society,” known as, “What Is Taoism?” he
argues that the distinction between religion and philosophy, “[is] made poorly
if at all”(Creel, 144) He categorizes two opposing ways of thinking about
Eastern philosophy; one that focuses on the understanding and cognition of
ancient philosophical texts known as contemplative
Taoism, and another that focuses on the actual practices that aim at reaching a
heightened state of enlightenment or even immortality known as purposive Taoism. In this analysis of
H.G. Creel’s article, I will examine the beginnings of the tao and its
transformation into an, “ism,” the historiography of the Chuang Tzu and the Lao
Tzu (or lack there of), the differences between contemplative and purposive
Taoism as explained by H.G. Creel, how the rift between the two arose, and
finally conclude with my own interpretation Taoism with emphasis on how these
two seemingly opposing ideologies have been merged together over time.
One of the most
fascinating things about studying ancient Chinese history and philosophy is
that historical records in China catalog events that happened well over four
thousand years ago. From the first remnants of Chinese society to the collapse
of communism in China, most every major happening has been scribed. The first
historiographer, or historian of written history, was a Chinese man known as
Sima Qian known for having written the Shiji,
or the “Records of the Grand Historian”- a historical record of everything
that had transpired in China up to the second century B.C.. But in order to
better understand the origins of the tao as an ism, we must step back one generation to Sima Qian’s father, Sima
Tan.
Sima Tan had been
Grand Astrologer to the, “First Emperor of Chin,” Emperor Han Wudi, and was a
historian himself. He wrote several essays scrutinizing the conflicting schools
of governance that existed in his time and compiled them into his most famous
work, the “Yaozhi” or, “Essential Points.” (All of Sima Tan’s work can be found
compiled in the back his son’s great anthology, “The Shiji,” which is why I
have cited them in the Shiji as apposed to the Yaozhi.) The “Yaozhi” broke away
from previous classifications of thought, which categorized philosophical works
in relation to a founding teacher, by, “organiz[ing] knowledge with reference
to its intellectual content.”(5 Jia, 129) He listed six different schools of
thought; three had already been in existence well before Tan, and another three
that were of his own creation. His work would later be praised as the
foundation of all schools of thought during the Warring States Period of
ancient China and it allowed key political figures a foundation of political
thought with which to refer to. “One hundred years later, Tan’s six
configurations had become the “schools” of Warring States political thought,
with texts, authors, affiliations, and a history. Insofar as Tan had made order
from a confusing multiplicity of views, he also provided a tool with which
imperial bibliographers could rewrite an early story of their own [school of
thought.]”(5 Jia, 131) Known as the “Six
Jia,” each school embodies a different ideology of political behavior- finally
culminating with the Daojia, the most
important of the six Jia and the reason for the “Yaozhi.”
The Yinyang
School of governance focused on good and evil and relied heavily on occult
phenomena in an attempt to rationalize the human relationship with the natural
world. “Yinyang is a set of broadly shared assumptions about the relationship
of natural and human worlds.”(5 Jia, 137) “They emphasize omens and multiply
taboos and prohibitions…But their ordering of the great sequence must not be
lost.”(Shiji, 130) When Westerners think of Yinyang they often recall the
symbol of the circle with black and white sides both running into each other
but their understanding stops there. The Yinyang symbolizes not simply good and
evil, like many people may assume, instead it relates to the ebb and flow of
the universal fabric discussed by Arthur Write at the beginning of this essay.
The Yin and the Yang are not good and evil; in the true context they are often
referred to as man and woman, life and death, fire and water. These things are
not necessarily opposites, but coexisting portions of an eternal fabric with
which we are all common threads. One of these things cannot survive without its
other, and neither can survive without proper balance; this is the essence of
the Yinyang School. It is in this context of proper balance that the Yinyang
School refers to “occult practices” because in early Han China the spirits of
good and evil were very much real things that needed to be acknowledged and venerated
in order to sustain appropriate balance. This is why it is important that,
“…their ordering of the great sequence must not be lost.”
Contemporary
scholars would consider the “Ru” throughout Chinese history to be people who
governed themselves and others under Confucian ideals.
-“The Ru are wide reaching but with few of the essentials. They labor
but to small result…The texts and commentaries- number in the thousands and
tens of thousands {of words}. In several generations one could not get through
their teachings; in one’s whole lifetime one could not fully investigate their
rites. But their ordering of the rites between sovereign and minister, father
and son…husband and wife, old and young must not be changed”
(Shiji,
130)
Quan Fuzi, or Confucius, like many Ancient Eastern
philosophers, did not write any of his own teachings down. He left his ideas to
be contemplated and interpreted by each of his individual students and because
of this, during the later years after Confucius’ death, several former
followers expanded on what they took from his teachings and created a number of
competing schools- all of which claiming to represent the authoritative
teachings of Confucius. Instead of classifying each school by author and founder
like historians before him would have, Sima Tan simply found a common
historical thread between all of the Confucian schools and created the “Ru”
jia. This broad analysis helped him maintain continuity throughout the
“Yaozhi,” focusing on general descriptions of each school so that readers would
not get lost in complicated descriptions. This passage, however, is vague at
best. Even the commentaries by later analysts would say, “As either a
historical or intellectual summary of the Ru, this passage would receive very
low marks…As with his treatment of the Yinyang, Tan is presenting Ruhist teachings as they were
commonplaces [within] Han socio-political life.”(5 Jia, 139) That is to say,
Sima Tan is presenting general ideas about the Ru that many early Han peoples
shared.
The Mo, “are too
frugal to be easily followed…But their strengthening of the root {occupations}
and sparing use {of resources} must not be discarded.”(Shiji, 130) Like many
ancient Eastern texts, explanations of the six Jia are often surrounded by
ambiguity. It is important to remember the context that each quote is in. For
example, translators of the Shiji added in the words “occupations” and “of
resources” to better explain the governmental context that the passage was
written. One can govern oneself by Mohist ideology, or one can govern an entire
kingdom under it. It is important to remember the governmental context in which
each of the six Jia are explained- this way, one can better understand how each
school of thought distinguishes itself from the others.
By this time,
around the second century B.C., Buddhism and Confucianism were becoming more
prominent as political ideals in the minds of the ruling elite. As Tan
witnessed them come to the forefront of political debate, he felt it necessary
to categorize them in the Yaozhi. “While Sima Tan inherited the terms Yinyang,
Ru and Mo [from the historians before him], it appears he invented Fajia,
Mingjia and Daojia.”(5 Jia, 141) Sima Tan invented these last three Jia in
order to exemplify three systems of governance that differed from the original
Yinyang, Ru and Mo schools. It is likely that these ideas had been discussed
before, but they were probably categorized as variations of the original three
schools.
When attempting to compile several diverse
ideologies, it is important to over generalize so that the basic meaning behind
each school is achieved. In order to better clarify his initial appraisals of
the six Jia, each of the opening assessments are followed promptly by an
auto-commentary written by Tan himself. Remember, each initial appraisal of the
six Jia is supposed to embody an entire governmental ideology. The
auto-commentary may further explain it but in interest of time I will not delve
into the auto commentary.
“The Fajia are
strict and slight of kindness. But their rectification of the division between
sovereign and minister, superior and inferior must not be altered.”(Shiji, 130)
Fajia would later play a key role in describing “Legalism” in China as
indicated by the “Hanshu” bibliography, a compendium much like Sima Qian’s
“Records of the Grand Historian.” The “Hanshu Bibliography” details historical
events, governmental ideologies, and prominent figures in the Han era and their
governmental affiliations. In this history of the Han written over a hundred
years after the “Yaozhi,” Fajia is interwoven as one of the major aspects of
Legalist ideology.
“The Mingjia
engage in petty investigations and twisting entanglements, preventing people
from returning to their original intent. They decide matters solely on the
basis of words (ming){i.e. what has
been contracted} and thereby loose the actual human circumstance.”(Shiji, 130)
By the time of the Hanshu Bibliography, the Mingjia had evolved into what we
would call sophists in today’s society: people who manipulate linguistic truth.
I like to think of them as defense lawyers who rely on written texts to,
“…estab[lish] reliable means to ascertain the truth of someone’s claims.”(5
Jia, 143) This ideology could easily be associated with “Legalism” and “Fajia”
but since the term was not around during Sima Tan’s time he unknowingly
dissected the entirety of legalist mentality into two different schools of
thought, Fa and Ming. By the time the Hanshu Bibliography, both Fa and Ming
became interwoven to resemble what we now distinguish as legalist ideology.
“Mingjia concerns, then, are squarely in the domain we associate with our later
concept ‘Legalism.’ Mingjia is simply that potion of administrative practice
that emphasizes the formal relations between an official and his supervisor.”(5
Jia, 143) Thus, “Legalism” in Chinese history became known as a mix of both Fa
and Mingjia ideology.
The sixth and
most important Jia is known as the Dao.
-“The Daojia cause the spiritual essence of human beings to be
concentrated and unified. Their actions are joined with the formless, their
provision sufficient to the myriad things. In the practice of their techniques
they accord with the great sequence of Yinyang, select the good of the Ru and
Mo, and adopt the essentials of the Ming and Fa.”
(Shiji, 130)
This final school
known as the Daojia culminates the meaning behind Sima Tan’s “Yaozhi.” “It was
a polemic, for Tan argued that Dao-people take what is essential from each of
the other configurations and combine it on the basis of vacuity and accordance,
by virtue of which they offer a completed repertory of political knowledge…the
‘Yaozhi’ was…an appeal to the Han Emperor Wu to rule by Daoist means.”(5 Jia,
130) The Daojia was not just another school of thought for Tan; it was the
culmination of all political thought. This is why it is important to understand
all of the six Jia because each opposing school contributes a certain important
aspect of effective leadership but lacks the totality of the Daojia School.
Like the idea of Yin and Yang, the Daojia finds a balance between the opposing
schools and combines the important parts of each into the Dao or “Way” of true governance.
If the “Yaozhi”
was indeed a polemic, or a passionate and strongly worded argument against or
in favor of something, and Sima Tan was arguing for the Han Emperor Wu to rule
under the Daojia mentality, then what is the significance of the word Dao? If
Yinyang stands for the presence of good and evil, the character “Ru-Jia” stands
for Confucianism, “Mo-Jia” “…is characterized by thriftiness”(5 Jia, 140),
“Fa-Jia” along with “Ming-Jia” constitute Legalism, then what is the meaning
behind the phrase “Dao-Jia”?
The term “jia” is
often referred to a person with expertise in something and in the case of the
“Yaozhi” it was a person with certain expertise in a particular form of
governance. But each of the other five schools has a far more literal
translation than the sixth and final Jia. Why? “In the kaleidoscopic firmament
of Taoism there is one relatively fixed star: the term tao. But if all that is Taoist has the term tao, not every Chinese
philosophy that uses the term is Taoist, for in fact they all do.”(Creel, 139)
It seems that in
truly ancient times the pictograph tao
meant “path” or “road” but as time progressed, the character took on a more
philosophical context denoting a method or course of conduct that is ultimately
righteous.
All of the
ancient Eastern philosophies are congruent with this term for it means the same
thing in each. “For the Confucians tao is the way, the method, of right conduct
for the individual and for the state.”(Creel, 139) But for Sima Tan in the context
of the “Yaozhi,” a socio-political compendium of political thought in early Han
China, it meant the ultimately righteous path of governance and he used the
commonly known character of the philosophical tao to solidify his argument to
the Han Emperor to rule his kingdom under “Daojia.”
Is this Taoism
then? Has “Daojia” simply evolved
into what we now know as Daoism? The
practice of the philosophical tao was around well before Sima Tan and his son
The Grand Historian, so how could Taoism be a later development? In order to
understand the origins of the Tao as an “ism”
we must look back on the ancient texts known as the “Lao Tzu” and the “Chuang
Tzu,” thought to be two of the first compilations of Taoist thought.
I I: The Ancient Texts
Both the Chuang
Tzu and the Lao Tzu have been subjects of Taoist debate for over two thousand
years. The Lao Tzu and the Chuang Tzu are considered to be both books and,
according to whom you believe, people in antiquity. The problem with
formulating an argument, however, is that even Sima Qian the author of the
first historiographical text could not gather enough information to make a
concrete decision. “As early as the second century B.C. there had already been
different theories on [who Lao Tzu was.] Sima Qian, the Grand Historian, could
not decide which theory is authentic, so, as a good historian, he recorded all
theories available…but refused to give his preference.”(Prblms, 209) If even in
Sima Qian’s time there was not enough information to make an informed decision
on who Lao Tzu was, then all later arguments are completely theoretical and
therefore pointless to bring up in an attempt to explain the historiography of
the “Lao Tzu.” The problem is that many ancient Eastern philosophers purposely
didn’t write down their own words for fear that some dogmatic institution would
be based solely around an idea or quote that is incomprehensible in a hundred
lifetimes. Most of the words we see in the Confucian manual the “Analects” and
in the Lao Tzu or “Tao Te Ching” are words written by former students in an
attempt to maintain homogeneity throughout the texts. I happen to support
Creel’s examination where he states, “At some point someone brought together
many of the best of [Lao Tzu’s] sayings, and may have collected and written other
materials to go with them, and made the book called the Lao Tzu.”(Creel, 142)
By prefacing all the material that may or may not have been written by the
vague character known as Lao Tzu with, “Lao Tzu said,” later writers could
maintain homogeneity throughout the Lao Tzu and gain respectability of
(potentially) their own ideas through using the pseudonym Lao Tzu.
Now, when writing
a historiography paper it is important to select an event of some controversy,
like the invasion of the “Black Ships” in Tokyo harbor, or the resolution of
the Cuban Missile Crisis- not an Eastern philosophy. What the oldest Tao Te
Ching and Chuang Tzu texts say is congruent with what the latest version says;
what differs are the commentary; what one individual takes from a specific
passage, another could take something wholly different. This is also magnified
ten fold due to the hieroglyphic nature of the Chinese writing system. One
little swoop that doesn’t connect the symbol of the “rice patty” to the symbol
of the “oxen” and all of a sudden you’ve got something that means “toilette
scrubber” or some other thing. This is why I’m favoring a more historical
analysis of the origin of the
philosophy known as Taoism, not the debates over which individual character is
interpreted as what. But I did dig a little and found an article written by a
guy born in 1892 who stated, “The… [Shiji]…records a person with the same name,
position, fief and rank as the son of [Lao-Tzu]…This son was [dead] in 273,
hence we can safely date his father, [Lao-Tzu], in 300 B.C.”(Dubs, 300)
Although professor Bodde, the person whom Mr. Dubs is replying to, “…agrees in
identifying Dzung, the personal name of the Lao-[Tzu’s] son…”(Dubs, 300) he
does not agree with Professor Dubs interpretation of the name derived from Sima
Qian’s “Shiji,” Duan-gan. Dubs defends his argument by saying that, “In the
eagerness of my discovery, I misstated my position and must beg indulgence for
having been so positive on a matter which I knew was not certain.”(Dubs, 300)
“The Identification of the Lao-Dz, A Reply to
Professor Bodde” is a typical example of the historiography I found about the
various important Taoist texts. In dealing with pictographs, rhymes, riddles
and songs, which is what both the Lao Tzu and the Chuang Tzu consist mainly of,
it is difficult to find any real controversy
over the translations. Thus, without any real controversy over the
historiography of a given subject, one is simply left with the subjects’
history. The Chinese kept very detailed historical records and much of the
language used in the second century B.C. is the same as what is used in China
today- making the translations of these ancient texts quite accurate.
Therefore, I must conclude the historiography of the ancient Taoist texts the
Chuang Tzu and the Lao Tzu in agreement with Professor Creel. “Both the Chuang
Tzu and the Lao Tzu are really collections of Taoist writings and saying, made
by different persons in differing times, rather than the single work of any one
person.”(Creel, 139)
I I I: The Tao as an “ism”
Now that we have
gained a better understanding of Taoism and some of the history behind its most
famous texts, we will now delve into the heart of Professor Creel’s argument of
what Taoism actually is.
“If anyone is
apprehensive that I am going to give an answer to the question posed by the
title of this paper, let me reassure him at once. I shall not be so foolish as
to try to propound a single sovereign definition of what Taoism is.”(Creel,
130) It is clear from Herlee Creel’s opening statement that even the most
learned scholar could never explain the tao in one singular definition. As a
quote from the actual Lao Tzu says, “In the ways of the great Tao, even the
most enlightened sage is ignorant.” What
professor Creel does explain is the difference between two ways of interpreting
Taoism, contemplative and purposive Taoism, and how the
distinction between the two came about.
Contemplative Taoism is the aspect of
the tao that denotes introspection into the words and teachings of the “Ancient
Texts.” Passages are often cryptic, terse and aphoristic which I believe was
done on purpose so that later students could expound upon what they themselves took from the individual
texts in order to gain a greater understanding of the Great Tao via their own
introspection. In order to “attain” the tao one mustn’t follow a set of
dogmatic practices or be concerned with heavenly rank, one must only act in
accordance with the tao- nothing more.
“It may be noted, however, that while it is quite lacking in any
practical program, [contemplative Taoism] has provided a haven of inner
strength, a refuge from vicissitude, for a great number of [people] from
antiquity to the present.”(Creel, 141)
While it is
agreed that, “…the central idea of Taoists in the ancient period was
Self-preservation (wei-wu),”(Prblms, 211) it is not so clear as to what kind of
self preservation. The ancient texts of Taoism often refer to the attainment of
“immortality” through Taoist means but they were simply referring to living a
life with a firm foundation in Taoist thought, not preserving the self beyond
the confines of death. “The mere idea of toiling for immortality is repugnant
to that of wei-wu. The Confucian moral tone, and concern for rank in a heavenly
hierarchy, conflict with the moral indifference and robust anarchism of Taoist
philosophy.”(Creel, 144)
“It is clear…that
the poise and inner calm that may be derived from the attitude on contemplative
Taoism elevates him who holds it above the struggling mass of harried men…and
may give a psychological advantage in dealing with them. Very well says the
‘purposive’ Taoist; cultivate this attitude as a means to power!”(Creel, 141) A
fitting example of purposive thought,
this form of Taoist thinking is marked by one constant aim: the achievement of
immortality. Purposive Taoism derives
from a warped interpretation of early Taoist explanations of spiritual alchemy.
“The method of spiritual alchemy is to burn away all the pollution of acquired
conditioning, and not let the slightest flaw remain in the heart, so that one
may reexperience original completeness.”(I-Ching, 60) Spiritual alchemy has
nothing to do with consuming elixirs or turning base metals into gold, it
simply aims at doing away with acquired conditioning and reverting to the true
self. During this time, however, shamans were just starting to grasp the
medicinal purposes behind old folk remedies, which caused their belief in spiritual healing to be replaced with a
more scientific approach. This gave
them the means to investigate the reasons behind folk remedies and expand on
them thus increasing their knowledge of the scientific world. “Chinese medical
science originated in Shamanism.”(Prblms, 233) But as knowledge in medicinal
science grew, the limits of that knowledge seemed boundless. “From healing the
sick and forestalling death temporarily, it is only a jump to the idea of
forestalling death permanently.”(Creel, 145)
The idea of
purposive or “h’sein” Taoism likely arose as the rift between the upper and
lower class Chinese grew. “With the ‘Neolithic Revolution’… came the
differentiation of classes and the creation of an elite who specialized in
warfare, statecraft, and magical Taoist functions… This…was the beginning of
the differentiation of the great tradition[s] of the elite and the little
traditions of the peasant villages” (His, 252) Taoism by this time had already
accumulated a fair amount popularity as it mixed with old Chinese folklore and
Buddhism. Practices such as breath control and gymnastics similar to Hindu yoga
we common amongst the peasantry but the alchemical practices of the ruling
elite were based around the attainment of immortality and were thus, far
different. Homemade brews of alchemic solutions were fed to Emperors including
“quicksilver” known as the toxic chemical mercury in the quest for immortality;
which coincidently only served to quicken their demise. Sexual practices such
as having intercourse with “twelve hundred girls sixteen or seventeen years of
age” were aimed at becoming a “h’sein” Taoist immortal. “The immortality in
question was a perpetuation of the physical body. It might be possible, by
[these] special means, for one to…become a h’sein, forever deathless and
ageless.”(Creel, 143) But the Taoist masters meant not the perpetuation of
endless life by the words “Taoist immortal,” instead they meant reaching a
heightened state of existence on earth through the cultivation of Taoist
knowledge. “Immortality or transcendence in Taoism is a transcendent state in
paradise and psychological state on earth. It may be described in ecstatic or
enstatic terms…In all cases…[it is a return] to replicas of the universe, [a
return] to primordial energy, spirit and the tao.”(Kohn, 638)
Conclusion
The literal translation
of the ancient Taoist texts served only to hasten the deaths of the people who
foolishly sought eternal life. Emperors who wore beaded headdresses to
symbolize their connection with the heavens became insane as their quest for
the elixir of life pulled them closer to the mortality of man, and further from
everlasting existence in the realm of eternity. The passage of Taoism from contemplative to purposive served only to weaken the bond between the “h’sein”
Taoists and the great tao itself and that is the basis of the tao as an ism.
As the dogmatic
practices surrounding the tao snowballed during the mid to late Han period,
people began to believe they could comprehend the incomprehensible tao as it
became dissected and institutionalized. “…The pulling together of the elements
of folk religion into a loose [taoist] system [and] the translating down of the
Lao Tzu for indoctrination of the masses…”(His, 254) served only to cause the
fears of the great Taoist masters to be realized.
The purpose of the ancient Taoist
masters was to leave their teaching to be contemplated, not institutionalized.
As the Han Emperor indoctrinated the masses with Taoism, it became less of a
philosophy and more of a religion based solely on unifying a diverse people.
Although an essential factor in the unification, the indoctrinization of the
tao caused its true meaning to become obscured. The dark minds of men twisted
the idea of wei-wu, or self-preservation, into a fruitless quest for
immortality only to realize that being a Taoist Immortal meant only living a
humble life in accordance with the tao. The Tao as an ism arose from too much introspection into the tao (a befitting
conclusion for the Taoist masters, I think). Perhaps they had all this in mind
when writing the ancient texts of Taoism. In any case, the ancient texts were
meant to be scrutinized, yes, but only in contemplation; not systematized into
dogmatic practice.
If the things to
learn are infinite and the body is a finite creation, what sense is there in
relentlessly searching for that which cannot be attained? This is the essence
of the tao: knowing through not knowing- action through inaction.
-Notes-
(In accordance with the simplistic virtues of the tao, I
have decided not to capitalize the term on purpose. Also, I did not delve into
the introduction of Christianity in China and the effects heaven and hell may
have had on the Chinese.)
Bibliography
(I Ching)
Lao Tzu, Translated by Thomas Cleary. “I-Ching” Boston Mass:
Shambhala Publications, Inc, 1986
(Creel)
What Is Taoism?
H. G. Creel
Journal
of the American Oriental Society , Vol. 76, No. 3. (Jul. - Sep., 1956),
pp. 139-152.
(His)
A Historian's Reflections on the Taoist Tradition (in
Symposium on Taoism)
Arthur F. Wright
History
of Religions , Vol. 9, No. 2/3. (Nov., 1969 - Feb.,
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(5
Jia)
Sima Tan and the
Invention of Daoism, "Legalism," "et cetera"
Kidder Smith; Sima Tan
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Numen
,
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The Identification of the Lao-Dz: A Reply to Professor Bodde
Homer H. Dubs
Journal
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(Kohn)
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Copyright: 06/10/14 Nathan J. Fragala
