The Tao as an "ism"

The Tao as an “ism”

     “Among [the] attitudes and ways of [Taoist] thinking- I would specify an organic view of man and the universe, the notion that all phenomena (including man) are knit together in a seamless web of interacting forces, both visible and invisible. Interwoven with this idea of ceaseless flux: that the apogee of any of these forces engenders a reversion toward its opposite.”

                                                                                    -Arthur F. Wright-

 

I: Background

     The ebb and flow of the natural universe has been the core of Eastern philosophy since its conception over four thousand years ago. The ceaseless flux of this indelible tide encompasses anything and everything in the natural world and has been the foundation of what we will call religion in the East since man first started to question his place in the universe. When Westerners think of religion in the East we often associate it with Buddhism, Confucianism or some other kind of “ism” or symbol that represents the common dogmatic institutions that exist in Western religions, i.e. (heaven, hell, god, etc.) just from a different perspective. The truth is that the ideology formulated in Western religions around the Mediterranean and the ideologies of the Ancient East are all but common. The idea of “God” in the West ranges anywhere from the force that kick started the Big Bang, to a being in white robes up in the sky who is responsible for everything we see and do. In China, the idea of religion is just a way of expressing the fundamental nature of the universe and living in harmony with its current- not a being in heaven or an everlasting existence of life after death. This is where much of the debate stems over whether or not the various forms of Eastern philosophy can be considered different religions, or just different schools of thought. In H.G. Creel’s 1956 submission to the, “Journal of the American Oriental Society,” known as, “What Is Taoism?” he argues that the distinction between religion and philosophy, “[is] made poorly if at all”(Creel, 144) He categorizes two opposing ways of thinking about Eastern philosophy; one that focuses on the understanding and cognition of ancient philosophical texts known as contemplative Taoism, and another that focuses on the actual practices that aim at reaching a heightened state of enlightenment or even immortality known as purposive Taoism. In this analysis of H.G. Creel’s article, I will examine the beginnings of the tao and its transformation into an, “ism,” the historiography of the Chuang Tzu and the Lao Tzu (or lack there of), the differences between contemplative and purposive Taoism as explained by H.G. Creel, how the rift between the two arose, and finally conclude with my own interpretation Taoism with emphasis on how these two seemingly opposing ideologies have been merged together over time.

     One of the most fascinating things about studying ancient Chinese history and philosophy is that historical records in China catalog events that happened well over four thousand years ago. From the first remnants of Chinese society to the collapse of communism in China, most every major happening has been scribed. The first historiographer, or historian of written history, was a Chinese man known as Sima Qian known for having written the Shiji, or the “Records of the Grand Historian”- a historical record of everything that had transpired in China up to the second century B.C.. But in order to better understand the origins of the tao as an ism, we must step back one generation to Sima Qian’s father, Sima Tan.

     Sima Tan had been Grand Astrologer to the, “First Emperor of Chin,” Emperor Han Wudi, and was a historian himself. He wrote several essays scrutinizing the conflicting schools of governance that existed in his time and compiled them into his most famous work, the “Yaozhi” or, “Essential Points.” (All of Sima Tan’s work can be found compiled in the back his son’s great anthology, “The Shiji,” which is why I have cited them in the Shiji as apposed to the Yaozhi.) The “Yaozhi” broke away from previous classifications of thought, which categorized philosophical works in relation to a founding teacher, by, “organiz[ing] knowledge with reference to its intellectual content.”(5 Jia, 129) He listed six different schools of thought; three had already been in existence well before Tan, and another three that were of his own creation. His work would later be praised as the foundation of all schools of thought during the Warring States Period of ancient China and it allowed key political figures a foundation of political thought with which to refer to. “One hundred years later, Tan’s six configurations had become the “schools” of Warring States political thought, with texts, authors, affiliations, and a history. Insofar as Tan had made order from a confusing multiplicity of views, he also provided a tool with which imperial bibliographers could rewrite an early story of their own [school of thought.]”(5 Jia, 131)  Known as the “Six Jia,” each school embodies a different ideology of political behavior- finally culminating with the Daojia, the most important of the six Jia and the reason for the “Yaozhi.”

     The Yinyang School of governance focused on good and evil and relied heavily on occult phenomena in an attempt to rationalize the human relationship with the natural world. “Yinyang is a set of broadly shared assumptions about the relationship of natural and human worlds.”(5 Jia, 137) “They emphasize omens and multiply taboos and prohibitions…But their ordering of the great sequence must not be lost.”(Shiji, 130) When Westerners think of Yinyang they often recall the symbol of the circle with black and white sides both running into each other but their understanding stops there. The Yinyang symbolizes not simply good and evil, like many people may assume, instead it relates to the ebb and flow of the universal fabric discussed by Arthur Write at the beginning of this essay. The Yin and the Yang are not good and evil; in the true context they are often referred to as man and woman, life and death, fire and water. These things are not necessarily opposites, but coexisting portions of an eternal fabric with which we are all common threads. One of these things cannot survive without its other, and neither can survive without proper balance; this is the essence of the Yinyang School. It is in this context of proper balance that the Yinyang School refers to “occult practices” because in early Han China the spirits of good and evil were very much real things that needed to be acknowledged and venerated in order to sustain appropriate balance. This is why it is important that, “…their ordering of the great sequence must not be lost.”

     Contemporary scholars would consider the “Ru” throughout Chinese history to be people who governed themselves and others under Confucian ideals.

    -“The Ru are wide reaching but with few of the essentials. They labor but to small result…The texts and commentaries- number in the thousands and tens of thousands {of words}. In several generations one could not get through their teachings; in one’s whole lifetime one could not fully investigate their rites. But their ordering of the rites between sovereign and minister, father and son…husband and wife, old and young must not be changed”

                                                                                     (Shiji, 130) 

Quan Fuzi, or Confucius, like many Ancient Eastern philosophers, did not write any of his own teachings down. He left his ideas to be contemplated and interpreted by each of his individual students and because of this, during the later years after Confucius’ death, several former followers expanded on what they took from his teachings and created a number of competing schools- all of which claiming to represent the authoritative teachings of Confucius. Instead of classifying each school by author and founder like historians before him would have, Sima Tan simply found a common historical thread between all of the Confucian schools and created the “Ru” jia. This broad analysis helped him maintain continuity throughout the “Yaozhi,” focusing on general descriptions of each school so that readers would not get lost in complicated descriptions. This passage, however, is vague at best. Even the commentaries by later analysts would say, “As either a historical or intellectual summary of the Ru, this passage would receive very low marks…As with his treatment of the Yinyang, Tan is presenting Ruhist teachings as they were commonplaces [within] Han socio-political life.”(5 Jia, 139) That is to say, Sima Tan is presenting general ideas about the Ru that many early Han peoples shared.

     The Mo, “are too frugal to be easily followed…But their strengthening of the root {occupations} and sparing use {of resources} must not be discarded.”(Shiji, 130) Like many ancient Eastern texts, explanations of the six Jia are often surrounded by ambiguity. It is important to remember the context that each quote is in. For example, translators of the Shiji added in the words “occupations” and “of resources” to better explain the governmental context that the passage was written. One can govern oneself by Mohist ideology, or one can govern an entire kingdom under it. It is important to remember the governmental context in which each of the six Jia are explained- this way, one can better understand how each school of thought distinguishes itself from the others.

      By this time, around the second century B.C., Buddhism and Confucianism were becoming more prominent as political ideals in the minds of the ruling elite. As Tan witnessed them come to the forefront of political debate, he felt it necessary to categorize them in the Yaozhi. “While Sima Tan inherited the terms Yinyang, Ru and Mo [from the historians before him], it appears he invented Fajia, Mingjia and Daojia.”(5 Jia, 141) Sima Tan invented these last three Jia in order to exemplify three systems of governance that differed from the original Yinyang, Ru and Mo schools. It is likely that these ideas had been discussed before, but they were probably categorized as variations of the original three schools.                                                  

     When attempting to compile several diverse ideologies, it is important to over generalize so that the basic meaning behind each school is achieved. In order to better clarify his initial appraisals of the six Jia, each of the opening assessments are followed promptly by an auto-commentary written by Tan himself. Remember, each initial appraisal of the six Jia is supposed to embody an entire governmental ideology. The auto-commentary may further explain it but in interest of time I will not delve into the auto commentary.

     “The Fajia are strict and slight of kindness. But their rectification of the division between sovereign and minister, superior and inferior must not be altered.”(Shiji, 130) Fajia would later play a key role in describing “Legalism” in China as indicated by the “Hanshu” bibliography, a compendium much like Sima Qian’s “Records of the Grand Historian.” The “Hanshu Bibliography” details historical events, governmental ideologies, and prominent figures in the Han era and their governmental affiliations. In this history of the Han written over a hundred years after the “Yaozhi,” Fajia is interwoven as one of the major aspects of Legalist ideology.

     “The Mingjia engage in petty investigations and twisting entanglements, preventing people from returning to their original intent. They decide matters solely on the basis of words (ming){i.e. what has been contracted} and thereby loose the actual human circumstance.”(Shiji, 130) By the time of the Hanshu Bibliography, the Mingjia had evolved into what we would call sophists in today’s society: people who manipulate linguistic truth. I like to think of them as defense lawyers who rely on written texts to, “…estab[lish] reliable means to ascertain the truth of someone’s claims.”(5 Jia, 143) This ideology could easily be associated with “Legalism” and “Fajia” but since the term was not around during Sima Tan’s time he unknowingly dissected the entirety of legalist mentality into two different schools of thought, Fa and Ming. By the time the Hanshu Bibliography, both Fa and Ming became interwoven to resemble what we now distinguish as legalist ideology. “Mingjia concerns, then, are squarely in the domain we associate with our later concept ‘Legalism.’ Mingjia is simply that potion of administrative practice that emphasizes the formal relations between an official and his supervisor.”(5 Jia, 143) Thus, “Legalism” in Chinese history became known as a mix of both Fa and Mingjia ideology.

     The sixth and most important Jia is known as the Dao.

    -“The Daojia cause the spiritual essence of human beings to be concentrated and unified. Their actions are joined with the formless, their provision sufficient to the myriad things. In the practice of their techniques they accord with the great sequence of Yinyang, select the good of the Ru and Mo, and adopt the essentials of the Ming and Fa.”

   (Shiji, 130)

 This final school known as the Daojia culminates the meaning behind Sima Tan’s “Yaozhi.” “It was a polemic, for Tan argued that Dao-people take what is essential from each of the other configurations and combine it on the basis of vacuity and accordance, by virtue of which they offer a completed repertory of political knowledge…the ‘Yaozhi’ was…an appeal to the Han Emperor Wu to rule by Daoist means.”(5 Jia, 130) The Daojia was not just another school of thought for Tan; it was the culmination of all political thought. This is why it is important to understand all of the six Jia because each opposing school contributes a certain important aspect of effective leadership but lacks the totality of the Daojia School. Like the idea of Yin and Yang, the Daojia finds a balance between the opposing schools and combines the important parts of each into the Dao or “Way” of true governance.

     If the “Yaozhi” was indeed a polemic, or a passionate and strongly worded argument against or in favor of something, and Sima Tan was arguing for the Han Emperor Wu to rule under the Daojia mentality, then what is the significance of the word Dao? If Yinyang stands for the presence of good and evil, the character “Ru-Jia” stands for Confucianism, “Mo-Jia” “…is characterized by thriftiness”(5 Jia, 140), “Fa-Jia” along with “Ming-Jia” constitute Legalism, then what is the meaning behind the phrase “Dao-Jia”?     

     The term “jia” is often referred to a person with expertise in something and in the case of the “Yaozhi” it was a person with certain expertise in a particular form of governance. But each of the other five schools has a far more literal translation than the sixth and final Jia. Why? “In the kaleidoscopic firmament of Taoism there is one relatively fixed star: the term tao. But if all that is Taoist has the term tao, not every Chinese philosophy that uses the term is Taoist, for in fact they all do.”(Creel, 139)

     It seems that in truly ancient times the pictograph tao meant “path” or “road” but as time progressed, the character took on a more philosophical context denoting a method or course of conduct that is ultimately righteous.

     All of the ancient Eastern philosophies are congruent with this term for it means the same thing in each. “For the Confucians tao is the way, the method, of right conduct for the individual and for the state.”(Creel, 139) But for Sima Tan in the context of the “Yaozhi,” a socio-political compendium of political thought in early Han China, it meant the ultimately righteous path of governance and he used the commonly known character of the philosophical tao to solidify his argument to the Han Emperor to rule his kingdom under “Daojia.”

     Is this Taoism then? Has “Daojia” simply evolved into what we now know as Daoism? The practice of the philosophical tao was around well before Sima Tan and his son The Grand Historian, so how could Taoism be a later development? In order to understand the origins of the Tao as an “ism” we must look back on the ancient texts known as the “Lao Tzu” and the “Chuang Tzu,” thought to be two of the first compilations of Taoist thought.

 

I I: The Ancient Texts

     Both the Chuang Tzu and the Lao Tzu have been subjects of Taoist debate for over two thousand years. The Lao Tzu and the Chuang Tzu are considered to be both books and, according to whom you believe, people in antiquity. The problem with formulating an argument, however, is that even Sima Qian the author of the first historiographical text could not gather enough information to make a concrete decision. “As early as the second century B.C. there had already been different theories on [who Lao Tzu was.] Sima Qian, the Grand Historian, could not decide which theory is authentic, so, as a good historian, he recorded all theories available…but refused to give his preference.”(Prblms, 209) If even in Sima Qian’s time there was not enough information to make an informed decision on who Lao Tzu was, then all later arguments are completely theoretical and therefore pointless to bring up in an attempt to explain the historiography of the “Lao Tzu.” The problem is that many ancient Eastern philosophers purposely didn’t write down their own words for fear that some dogmatic institution would be based solely around an idea or quote that is incomprehensible in a hundred lifetimes. Most of the words we see in the Confucian manual the “Analects” and in the Lao Tzu or “Tao Te Ching” are words written by former students in an attempt to maintain homogeneity throughout the texts. I happen to support Creel’s examination where he states, “At some point someone brought together many of the best of [Lao Tzu’s] sayings, and may have collected and written other materials to go with them, and made the book called the Lao Tzu.”(Creel, 142) By prefacing all the material that may or may not have been written by the vague character known as Lao Tzu with, “Lao Tzu said,” later writers could maintain homogeneity throughout the Lao Tzu and gain respectability of (potentially) their own ideas through using the pseudonym Lao Tzu.

     Now, when writing a historiography paper it is important to select an event of some controversy, like the invasion of the “Black Ships” in Tokyo harbor, or the resolution of the Cuban Missile Crisis- not an Eastern philosophy. What the oldest Tao Te Ching and Chuang Tzu texts say is congruent with what the latest version says; what differs are the commentary; what one individual takes from a specific passage, another could take something wholly different. This is also magnified ten fold due to the hieroglyphic nature of the Chinese writing system. One little swoop that doesn’t connect the symbol of the “rice patty” to the symbol of the “oxen” and all of a sudden you’ve got something that means “toilette scrubber” or some other thing. This is why I’m favoring a more historical analysis of the origin of the philosophy known as Taoism, not the debates over which individual character is interpreted as what. But I did dig a little and found an article written by a guy born in 1892 who stated, “The… [Shiji]…records a person with the same name, position, fief and rank as the son of [Lao-Tzu]…This son was [dead] in 273, hence we can safely date his father, [Lao-Tzu], in 300 B.C.”(Dubs, 300) Although professor Bodde, the person whom Mr. Dubs is replying to, “…agrees in identifying Dzung, the personal name of the Lao-[Tzu’s] son…”(Dubs, 300) he does not agree with Professor Dubs interpretation of the name derived from Sima Qian’s “Shiji,” Duan-gan. Dubs defends his argument by saying that, “In the eagerness of my discovery, I misstated my position and must beg indulgence for having been so positive on a matter which I knew was not certain.”(Dubs, 300)

     “The Identification of the Lao-Dz, A Reply to Professor Bodde” is a typical example of the historiography I found about the various important Taoist texts. In dealing with pictographs, rhymes, riddles and songs, which is what both the Lao Tzu and the Chuang Tzu consist mainly of, it is difficult to find any real controversy over the translations. Thus, without any real controversy over the historiography of a given subject, one is simply left with the subjects’ history. The Chinese kept very detailed historical records and much of the language used in the second century B.C. is the same as what is used in China today- making the translations of these ancient texts quite accurate. Therefore, I must conclude the historiography of the ancient Taoist texts the Chuang Tzu and the Lao Tzu in agreement with Professor Creel. “Both the Chuang Tzu and the Lao Tzu are really collections of Taoist writings and saying, made by different persons in differing times, rather than the single work of any one person.”(Creel, 139)

    

I I I: The Tao as an “ism”

     Now that we have gained a better understanding of Taoism and some of the history behind its most famous texts, we will now delve into the heart of Professor Creel’s argument of what Taoism actually is.

     “If anyone is apprehensive that I am going to give an answer to the question posed by the title of this paper, let me reassure him at once. I shall not be so foolish as to try to propound a single sovereign definition of what Taoism is.”(Creel, 130) It is clear from Herlee Creel’s opening statement that even the most learned scholar could never explain the tao in one singular definition. As a quote from the actual Lao Tzu says, “In the ways of the great Tao, even the most enlightened sage is ignorant.”  What professor Creel does explain is the difference between two ways of interpreting Taoism, contemplative and purposive Taoism, and how the distinction between the two came about.

     Contemplative Taoism is the aspect of the tao that denotes introspection into the words and teachings of the “Ancient Texts.” Passages are often cryptic, terse and aphoristic which I believe was done on purpose so that later students could expound upon what they themselves took from the individual texts in order to gain a greater understanding of the Great Tao via their own introspection. In order to “attain” the tao one mustn’t follow a set of dogmatic practices or be concerned with heavenly rank, one must only act in accordance with the tao- nothing more.  “It may be noted, however, that while it is quite lacking in any practical program, [contemplative Taoism] has provided a haven of inner strength, a refuge from vicissitude, for a great number of [people] from antiquity to the present.”(Creel, 141)

     While it is agreed that, “…the central idea of Taoists in the ancient period was Self-preservation (wei-wu),”(Prblms, 211) it is not so clear as to what kind of self preservation. The ancient texts of Taoism often refer to the attainment of “immortality” through Taoist means but they were simply referring to living a life with a firm foundation in Taoist thought, not preserving the self beyond the confines of death. “The mere idea of toiling for immortality is repugnant to that of wei-wu. The Confucian moral tone, and concern for rank in a heavenly hierarchy, conflict with the moral indifference and robust anarchism of Taoist philosophy.”(Creel, 144) 

     “It is clear…that the poise and inner calm that may be derived from the attitude on contemplative Taoism elevates him who holds it above the struggling mass of harried men…and may give a psychological advantage in dealing with them. Very well says the ‘purposive’ Taoist; cultivate this attitude as a means to power!”(Creel, 141) A fitting example of purposive thought, this form of Taoist thinking is marked by one constant aim: the achievement of immortality. Purposive Taoism derives from a warped interpretation of early Taoist explanations of spiritual alchemy. “The method of spiritual alchemy is to burn away all the pollution of acquired conditioning, and not let the slightest flaw remain in the heart, so that one may reexperience original completeness.”(I-Ching, 60) Spiritual alchemy has nothing to do with consuming elixirs or turning base metals into gold, it simply aims at doing away with acquired conditioning and reverting to the true self. During this time, however, shamans were just starting to grasp the medicinal purposes behind old folk remedies, which caused their belief in spiritual healing to be replaced with a more scientific approach. This gave them the means to investigate the reasons behind folk remedies and expand on them thus increasing their knowledge of the scientific world. “Chinese medical science originated in Shamanism.”(Prblms, 233) But as knowledge in medicinal science grew, the limits of that knowledge seemed boundless. “From healing the sick and forestalling death temporarily, it is only a jump to the idea of forestalling death permanently.”(Creel, 145)

     The idea of purposive or “h’sein” Taoism likely arose as the rift between the upper and lower class Chinese grew. “With the ‘Neolithic Revolution’… came the differentiation of classes and the creation of an elite who specialized in warfare, statecraft, and magical Taoist functions… This…was the beginning of the differentiation of the great tradition[s] of the elite and the little traditions of the peasant villages” (His, 252) Taoism by this time had already accumulated a fair amount popularity as it mixed with old Chinese folklore and Buddhism. Practices such as breath control and gymnastics similar to Hindu yoga we common amongst the peasantry but the alchemical practices of the ruling elite were based around the attainment of immortality and were thus, far different. Homemade brews of alchemic solutions were fed to Emperors including “quicksilver” known as the toxic chemical mercury in the quest for immortality; which coincidently only served to quicken their demise. Sexual practices such as having intercourse with “twelve hundred girls sixteen or seventeen years of age” were aimed at becoming a “h’sein” Taoist immortal. “The immortality in question was a perpetuation of the physical body. It might be possible, by [these] special means, for one to…become a h’sein, forever deathless and ageless.”(Creel, 143) But the Taoist masters meant not the perpetuation of endless life by the words “Taoist immortal,” instead they meant reaching a heightened state of existence on earth through the cultivation of Taoist knowledge. “Immortality or transcendence in Taoism is a transcendent state in paradise and psychological state on earth. It may be described in ecstatic or enstatic terms…In all cases…[it is a return] to replicas of the universe, [a return] to primordial energy, spirit and the tao.”(Kohn, 638)  

    

Conclusion

     The literal translation of the ancient Taoist texts served only to hasten the deaths of the people who foolishly sought eternal life. Emperors who wore beaded headdresses to symbolize their connection with the heavens became insane as their quest for the elixir of life pulled them closer to the mortality of man, and further from everlasting existence in the realm of eternity. The passage of Taoism from contemplative to purposive served only to weaken the bond between the “h’sein” Taoists and the great tao itself and that is the basis of the tao as an ism.

     As the dogmatic practices surrounding the tao snowballed during the mid to late Han period, people began to believe they could comprehend the incomprehensible tao as it became dissected and institutionalized. “…The pulling together of the elements of folk religion into a loose [taoist] system [and] the translating down of the Lao Tzu for indoctrination of the masses…”(His, 254) served only to cause the fears of the great Taoist masters to be realized.

     The purpose of the ancient Taoist masters was to leave their teaching to be contemplated, not institutionalized. As the Han Emperor indoctrinated the masses with Taoism, it became less of a philosophy and more of a religion based solely on unifying a diverse people. Although an essential factor in the unification, the indoctrinization of the tao caused its true meaning to become obscured. The dark minds of men twisted the idea of wei-wu, or self-preservation, into a fruitless quest for immortality only to realize that being a Taoist Immortal meant only living a humble life in accordance with the tao. The Tao as an ism arose from too much introspection into the tao (a befitting conclusion for the Taoist masters, I think). Perhaps they had all this in mind when writing the ancient texts of Taoism. In any case, the ancient texts were meant to be scrutinized, yes, but only in contemplation; not systematized into dogmatic practice.

     If the things to learn are infinite and the body is a finite creation, what sense is there in relentlessly searching for that which cannot be attained? This is the essence of the tao: knowing through not knowing- action through inaction.

-Notes-

(In accordance with the simplistic virtues of the tao, I have decided not to capitalize the term on purpose. Also, I did not delve into the introduction of Christianity in China and the effects heaven and hell may have had on the Chinese.)

                                                                    Bibliography

(I Ching)

Lao Tzu, Translated by Thomas Cleary. “I-Ching” Boston Mass: Shambhala Publications, Inc, 1986

(Creel)

What Is Taoism?

H. G. Creel

Journal of the American Oriental Society , Vol. 76, No. 3. (Jul. - Sep., 1956), pp. 139-152.

Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0003-0279%28195607%2F09%2976%3A3%3C139%3AWIT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6

(His)

A Historian's Reflections on the Taoist Tradition (in Symposium on Taoism)

Arthur F. Wright

History of Religions , Vol. 9, No. 2/3. (Nov., 1969 - Feb., 1970), pp. 248-255.

Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-2710%28196911%2F197002%299%3A2%2F3%3C248%3AAHROTT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q

(5 Jia)

Sima Tan and the Invention of Daoism, "Legalism," "et cetera"

Kidder Smith; Sima Tan

The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 62, No. 1. (Feb., 2003), pp. 129-156.

Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28200302%2962%3A1%3C129%3ASTATIO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-%23

(Prblms)

Problems of Tao and "Tao Te Ching"

Jan Yün-Hua

Numen , Vol. 22, Fasc. 3. (Dec., 1975), pp. 208-234.

Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0029-5973%28197512%2922%3A3%3C208%3APOTA%22T%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2

(Dubs)

The Identification of the Lao-Dz: A Reply to Professor Bodde

Homer H. Dubs

Journal of the American Oriental Society , Vol. 62, No. 4. (Dec., 1942), pp. 300-304.

Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0003-0279%28194212%2962%3A4%3C300%3ATIOTLA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4

(Kohn)

Eternal Life in Taoist Mysticism

Livia Kohn

Journal of the American Oriental Society , Vol. 110, No. 4. (Oct. - Dec., 1990), pp. 622-640.

Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0003-0279%28199010%2F12%29110%3A4%3C622%3AELITM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-D

Copyright: 06/10/14 Nathan J. Fragala